A guide to infantalising and trivialising public sphere
By Lawrence Liang
30 Jan, 2013, 02.33AM IST,
It is no coincidence that Salman Rushdie who remains the poster child of censorship debate in India begins his celebrated Midnight's Children with the twin image of the birth of a child and that of a nation. The rest of the novel traces the intertwined stories of the child's growth with the political history of independent India.
But if one were to extend this allegory taking into account the kind of
public sphere that seems to exist in India 65 years after independence
there seems to be something amiss about this metaphor of birth and
subsequent growth into maturity.
A strange malaise pervades the
public sphere in India today, where it seems almost as if we have
turned the natural cycle of growth around and the children of midnight
appears to suffer from the malady of the protagonist in David Fincher's
film, The Curious case of Benjamin Button, where a man is born a mature
adult but ages backwards and slides into infantile regression. If one
were to consider the unreasonable response to Ashis Nandy's talk at the
Jaipur Literature Festival as one in a long continuum of such cases
where individuals are hounded for hurting sentiments of communities, the
Indian public sphere sadly appears as a weak and sickly child suffering
from irony deficiency.
Consider the fact that in 1922 Gandhi
proudly declared that it was his duty to be seditious describing Section
124A of the Indian Penal Code as a prince among political provisions of
harassment or Lala Lajpat Rai's bold response to the Indian Cinematograph Committee
(which demanded greater censorship of cinema because Indians were not
mature enough) that he did not want the future citizens of this country
growing up in a nursery and that they should be exposed to all
influences to enable them to arrive at better judgements. This situation
has largely been brought to bear by a lethal combination: the existence
of draconian penal provisions that curtail speech, a criminal justice
system that makes it ridiculously easy for groups to file complaints on
the basis that they have been hurt and an instrumental media that
profits and feeds on the eruption of scandals.
A plain reading
of Ashis Nandy's statements at Jaipur makes it clear that far from
making casteist slurs, he was actually critiquing a narrow understanding
of corruption that did not question the unstated assumptions of upper
class and caste privilege which to Nandy's mind is a greater form of
corruption. Those who are up in arms against him seem to have huffed and
puffed to a point of breathlessness and shortness of breath — doctors
will tell you — can affect your hearing. So it might be worth our while
to pause, take a deep breath and agree that even if we disagree with
what Nandy said it may at best be a disagreement about form in which
case one can generously shrug the statement as an awkwardly construed
statement.
If one disagrees with him in substance then let's
pretend for a while that we are a mature democracy and challenge him
intellectually. Filing a case under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities
Act) and the IPC against a speech act with absolutely no malicious
intent only trivialises the intent that corrective legislations like the
former were meant to address. Asad Ahmad in his work on blasphemy in
colonial India demonstrates how criminal cases around hate speech then
became public events by way of their circulation in media and through
rumours so that legal claims of emotional hurt become the basis of
mobilisation of affective communities centered on the public performance
of emotion. This is a strategy that was perfected by the lumpen right
wing which has unfortunately been adopted by all minority groups as
well.
Assuming that members of the Dalit community feel upset
with the form of the statement as a result of historic prejudice, this
would call for a verbal or intellectual redress rather than resorting to
legal remedy or street protest. An often ignored virtue in the debate
on free speech and censorship is the virtue of listening. The time has
come to admit that freedom of speech and expression is highly overrated
without an equal commitment to careful
listening. This is particularly true when one lives in an eggshell
democracy where every step we take, and every word we utter has to be
carefully measured against the potential 'hurt' that can be caused.
The true test of ademocracy lies as much in the amount of speech that
it willingly grants its citizens as in the amount of uncomfortable
speech that it is willing to listen to. Azra Tabassum,
a writer in Delhi says "fearless speech demands fearless listening" and
while Ashis Nandy is paying a heavy price for his speech, the real casualty
of the entire affair will be on our collective ability to listen
fearlessly and genuine speech in India will be held in perpetual ransom
those who infantilise and trivialise our public sphere.
The writer is a Bangalore-based lawyer
and a founder of the Alternative Law Forum. Over the past few years, he
has emerged as a spokesperson in India against concepts such as
intellectual property
Tuesday, January 29, 2013
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